Cinematic Imaginaries and غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitanism in the Early Twentieth Century

With the emergence of new communication technologies, social spaces, novel practices, domestic conflicts, revolution and international wars in the first two decades of the twentieth century, the space of experience in Iran was constantly transforming.1 During this “new time,” cinema propelled a horizon of expectation, and in fact, a wide range of possibilities and futures for cinema audiences. Through cinema, actions in the present were informed by the past, and motivated by future expectations. As documents from the first two and a half decades of the twentieth century reveal, Iranian movie theatres predominantly featured international motion pictures in their programs, as no Persian-language short or feature film had yet been produced. Keeping in mind the “reflexive” quality of cinema that provided a cultural horizon in which the traumatic effects of modernity and modernisation were registered and articulated, one could extrapolate that the “aesthetic and sensorial” dimensions of cinema, processed through the act of spectatorship, inspired attitudes for the articulation and negotiation of national imaginations.2 The international moving pictures screened in Iran evoked a futural prospect of what Iran could and ought to be – a temporalisation of historical time on screen and in cinema space that characterised modernity in the early twentieth century. Much of the literature on early cinema in Iran has attended, in a rather dismissive tone, to the inundation of Iranian cinemas with international films, cinematic colonisation and henceforth the non-existence of an Iranian cinema industry; very little has been expressed in terms of the cinema culture that such cinematic events engraved in the Iranian imaginaries and cinematic visions. Through a genealogical investigation of cinematic activities during that era, this chapter argues for the shaping of a cinema culture that, relating to conditions of Iranian modernity, functioned to embody the global غير مجاز مي باشدmos in its vernacular morphogenesis – a trait that came to bear upon Iranian cinema in various forms in the following decades.

To recover a cinema history that has been buried under the temporality of politics in Iran, this chapter will first explore the socio-cultural heterogeneity that marked the experience of Iranian modernity in the early twentieth century. Highlighting ethnic, religious, ideological, political and cultural diversity in Tehran, the following pages argue for the existence of a غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan urban society at the turn of the century. The inauguration of cinematographic screenings and the gradual inception of a cinematic culture in the first decades of the twentieth century were much indebted to the diasporic groups and/or غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan merchants and intellectuals residing in Iran. Prompting new spaces for the socialisation of diverse residents, as well as projecting heterotopic images – of other lifestyles, peoples, cultures, landscapes, wars and practices – cinema further facilitated the creation of غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan imaginaries. With the growing popularity of cinematographic screenings and their accompanying leisure activities, cinemas became concentrated in certain areas of the city, thus further prompting the urbanisation of Tehran and the city’s compartmentalisation.

As this chapter will demonstrate, cinema’s newly found position elicited various reactions from the diverse residents of Iran. Amid the brewing of nationalist sentiments, the غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan intellectuals and the elite seem not only to have accepted cinema as a medium that projected “moral” social norms, but to have adopted it as an effective tool in the education of the public (especially students) and in the service of the nation. Therefore, film screenings were included in school and conference programs, and the masses were encouraged to attend “moral” and “scientific” film screenings. Inspired by the technology, some غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan film enthusiasts engaged in creating the first newsreels and documentaries that depicted the Iranian empire and local practices of the people in attempts to imagine and stage Iran as contemporaneous with its global counterparts. As this chapter will show, merchants, cinema patrons and social critics associated films with moral edification and national progress, and provoked national consciousness among the public in the first two decades of the twentieth century.

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In the literature on early cinema, some scholars argue for a rethinking of cinema’s “emergence within the sensory environment of urban modernity”; much of this scholarship also draws a connection between cinema and “late nineteenth-century technologies of space and time,” as well as the “adjacent elements in the new visual culture of advanced capitalism.”3 Such Eurocentric theories are lacking, nevertheless, in that they are based on early Western cinema and its relation to “Western” modernities, industrialisation and modes of capitalism; they thus neglect the analysis of such relationships in societies with alternative histories and modernities. The literature on the history of Iranian cinema, too, is wanting in that it has mainly dealt with the fascination of the Qajar court, especially Muzaffar al-Din Shah (r. 1896–1907), with the cinematograph. The dearth of documents and scholarship on Iranian film productions (and the absence of Persian-language narrative films) in the first two and a half decades of the twentieth century has compelled scholars to overlook the highly dynamic cinematic activities of this era and their contribution to Iran’s experience of modernity;4 even when attended to, these activities have been discussed in terms of their political implications, especially with regard to the role that cinema sponsorship by foreign forces had in disseminating propaganda in the country.5 On the other hand, some scholars of Iranian cinema have considered it as a royal private enterprise, inaccessible to the public,6 thus neglecting the role of merchants and tradespeople in the promotion of cinema culture. Such literature has, for the most part, disregarded the significance of cinema in the shaping of Iranian imaginations in such a historically eventful era.

In this chapter, I intend only to scratch the surface and recover a brief history of early cinema in Iran through primary sources such as journals, autobiographies, memoirs, travelogues, official documents and newspaper articles, and then analyse, not necessarily in a chronological order, my findings in relation to Iranian modernity from 1900 to the mid-1920s through the prism of cinema. I attend to the imaginaries that international films and hybrid cinema spaces rendered in the context of early-twentieth-century Iran. I argue that in this era, the Iranian modern subject was shaped through the negotiations that occurred through cinematic experiences, either in accepting or rejecting globally informed narratives or in receiving those narratives through multiple and hybrid experiences conveyed through spectatorship in the space of cinema. I contend that the cinema was a heterotopic site, a site of hybridity, both through the concrete public space of sociability that it entailed, and through imaging Iran’s Others on its screens. I specifically argue that cinematic encounters in the heterotopic space of cinema in the twentieth century allowed for the formation of غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan identities; informed by global cinematic imaginations, Iranians further refashioned themselves within their local particularities, and became participants in the twentieth century. Iran’s experience of modernity, I contend, was shaped by غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan cinematic imaginations that envisioned a horizon of expectation for what the future of Iran ought to be: progressive, moral and sovereign. I also rely on extant short actualités and newsreels filmed in Iran (mostly Tehran) by national and international agents as primary sources, to investigate the interactions of ordinary residents – i.e. the train passenger, bystander, horse rider, woman, musician, etc. – in new urban spaces and settings that were captured in these films to comment on the experience of urban modernity.7 It should be mentioned that this study will only focus on cinematic affairs during this period, and will regretfully eschew discussing the uغير مجاز مي باشدe of other image projectors such as the magic lantern, the kinetoscope and its Iranian equivalent, Shahr-i Farang.

In this chapter, I consider an Iranian vernacular modernity that was shaped through local social changes which began to take place in the nineteenth century. Situating Iranian modernity in complex and widespread social transformations that engendered new practices and novel spectacles provides a different outlook on Iran’s experience of a “new time.” Such conceptualisation allows one to stay away from discussions of Iranian modernity that equate it with processes of state modernisation, and it dissociates modernity from notions of Westernisation and/or industrialisation. When investigating the unfolding of Iranian modernity within local settings and examining its multifaceted transitions from different starting points, one also comes to realise the indispensable significance of cinema to the history of modernity in Iran. In the nineteenth century, the daily life experiences of Iranians underwent many changes. This was especially the case with the spread of epidemic diseases, as well as the means to prevent the propagation of such illnesses in that era. The government-led means to forestall the multiplication and spread of diseases, namely cholera, malaria and black death, engendered the establishment of hygienic measures such as a city piping system, public washrooms, the publication of guidelines on good hygiene, the paving of roads, supervision of mortuaries and cemeteries, beautification of streets and planting of trees alongside roads. In addition, urban centres witnessed a propagation of public spaces such as hospitals, schools, embassies, theatres, public squares, reading-houses, cinemas, hotels and guesthouses. Altogether, these novel features brought unprecedented life experiences to the everyday lives of urban residents of Iran – experiences that could be regarded as part and parcel of the ethos of Iranian urban modernity; the ethos of a new time that prompted the imagination of a progressive Iran, devoid of corporeal diseases.

It was within such urban transformations that a culture of movie-going was engendered – a culture that encompassed various reactions, including acceptance of and objections to this new communication medium. The technology of cinema which shifted notions of time and space, the moving images that it projected and the space that it occupied in Tehran’s changing urban setting all allude to the novelties that cinematic modernity conjured as part of the larger transformations in the early twentieth century. Cinema itself was a public space, the organisation, location and management of which further shaped the Iranian urban environment. Cinema introduced a public practice that shifted away from the private consumption of print media, and as such facilitated opportunities for the public to socialise and formulate critical opinions. Cinematic images further provided moments of world openness for Iran’s diverse inhabitants to further refashion themselves into غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan participants of the twentieth century.

1.1 Cinematic Heterotopia in Early-Twentieth-Century Tehran

At the turn of the century, Iran was a diasporic hub for many of the diverse communities who congregated in urban centres for commerce, or political or artistic endeavours. Many of these communities took refuge in Iran away from the chaos of wars and conflicts in their homelands. Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Georgians, Assyrians, Germans, Russians, Indians, Americans, French and British had come together in cities such as Tehran. Such an extensive network of immigrants, religions and ideologies engendered a culture in flux that included a multiplicity of experiences, socio-cultural norms and practices.

Russian activities in Azerbaijan, on the north-western frontier of Iran, had disgruntled the Azerbaijani populations since the early nineteenth century, and drove many Azerbaijani khans8 into exile – some of whom came to Iran – throughout a quarter-century of Russian domination.9 The Russo-Persian conflicts which concluded in the Gulistan Treaty (1812) and the Turkmanchai Treaty (1828) also opened a weakened Persia to Russian commercial and political influences, allowing many Russian merchants, activists and political figures of Azerbaijani, Armenian and Georgian descent to immigrate to Iran. By the same token, many Iranians also lived in the Russian Empire. In 1900, this number reached 200,000, the majority of whom were concentrated in the South Caucasus.10 In fact, a large population of Iranians resided in Tbilisi (Tiflis), Georgia, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.11 From the late Middle Ages to the nineteenth century, most of these Iranian immigrants dwelled in the Seidabad District and the territory adjacent to the Narikala Citadel, forming the largest professional groups of tradesmen, hawkers, builders and shopkeepers (especially involved in the trade of rugs).12 Tiflis, moreover, became one of the centres of Persian intellectuals and free-thinkers.13

In Iran, on the other hand, at the turn of the century, the Armenian-Iranian merchants were at the forefront of Iran’s trade with Europe.14 The confiscation of Armenian Church properties in 1903 by Tsar Nicholas II, the participation of Armenians in the peasant uprisings – as well as the worker and student strikes of the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the conflicts between Caucasian Muslims and Christian Armenians from 1905 to 1907, led to a crack-down in 1908 by the Russian government on all revolutionary activities.15 As a result, many revolutionaries were killed, arrested or exiled, while many sought refuge and free expression in Iran.16 The Russian Revolution of 1905 also had a great impact along the north-western frontier of Iran, especially since Iranian migrant workers constituted a large part of the population in that region, namely in Azerbaijan’s Baku; these migrant labourers, many of whom worked in oilfields, became involved in local and regional political activities.17 These workers who returned to Iran brought with them revolutionary ideas, which significantly contributed to the ideologies behind the Constitutional Revolution of Iran (1906–1911).18 Moreover, the contraction of the Ottoman Empire and its eventual collapse in the early 1920s, and the 1915 genocide of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, led to emigration, exile and forcible displacement of many Christians and Muslims from their Ottoman homeland to various countries, including Iran. Therefore, at a time of heightened national solidification among Azerbaijanis, Armenians and Georgians in various Russian regions, as well as in Ottoman Turkey, the borders of Iran and its north-western neighbours had become increasingly indistinct due to the influx and outflow of populations and commercial contacts, as well as the co-habitation of these communities. As is evident in the news reports and articles of the time, and as this chapter will attempt to show, the multiplicity and coexistence of various populations in the above-mentioned regions prompted a traversing of national, ethnic, religious and ideological identities, as different communities engaged in the same activities, or came together in political and ideological movements. For Armenians, as Houri Berberian discusses, “internal and external political, intellectual, and social circumstances” in the early twentieth century had created a “multiplicity of identities, coexisting and competing for primacy.”19 In other words, during this time, identities were impacted by “setting and context,” and were thus “‘highly situational,’ multiple, fluid, and negotiable.”20 In the case of Armenians, Berberian specifically suggests that the nineteenth- and twentieth-century Armenians of the Caucasus, Ottoman Empire and Iran were transnational communities, consisting of workers and activists that maintained contact with their homeland and other diasporic communities, while also travelling in more than one community.21 The collaboration of Iranians and Armenians was especially evident during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906–1911, making the Iranian province of Azerbaijan (and especially the city of Tabriz, where many Armenians resided) the centre of resistance.22

In Iran, the transnational flow of migrants into and out of the country, and the increase in population of urban cities such as Tehran and Tabriz, necessitated the fostering of facilities such as guesthouses, hotels, theatres, teashops, restaurants, cafés, stores, schools and other spaces for public congregation, education and entertainment of various communities; so much so that in the first decades of the twentieth century, the number and variety of such public spaces increased dramatically. The building of guest/traveller lodges such as the Grand Hotel on Lālahzār Avenue, the Paris Guesthouse (Mihmān-khānah-’i Pārīs), the Iran Guesthouse and the Hôtel de France, as well as the opening of new shops, such as New Spring (Naw Bahār), Azerbaijan, Bon Marché (named after the famous department store in Paris) and Bon Jour Boutique, in the first two decades of the twentieth century point to the proliferation of such public places. Many of these sites of sociability were in turn owned and operated by members of the diasporic communities living in urban centres.

In terms of public performances, the number of theatrical spectacles and plays performed by residents of Iran and the artists who passed through or toured the country grew significantly. The theatrical play, “Three Fiancés and One Bride,” by the Armenian actor-director Monsieur Gustanian and Miss Gul-Sabā,23 the historical “Eastern dance” piece of “Kay-Khusraw,” about the “moral grandeur and power of ancient Persia” conducted by a famous Russian ballet dancer and four European women,24 and the “historically important piece” of “Nadir Shah of Afshār” conducted under the supervision of “Ghulām-Rizā Sharīf-Zādah (the Head of the Republic of Azerbaijan State Theatre)”25 are among some of the performances that were staged in Iran during this era. Many of these theatrical performances were co-productions between Iranians and the diasporic communities. To name a few, the “Firdawsi” spectacle (a play about the life and work of the highly revered Iranian poet of Shahnamah, the Book of Kings, the national epic of Iran and its neighbours) was sponsored by the American School of Higher Education (Madrasah-’i ‘Ālī-yi Āmrīkāyī), was performed by “the most famous Iranian actors” and included Caucasian and European music with Iranian anthems.26 An “Iranian concert and European ballet by the famous Russian actor of the Imperial Ballet, Monsieur Ruba, in unison with other European actors and actresses,”27 is another example of such co-productions. It is easy to imagine how the advertisement of such performances appealed to the various communities that lived in Iran (Figure 1.1). In terms of education, the number of pedagogical institutions also flourished in the first two decades of the twentieth century. In addition to Tehran’s School of Higher Education, Dār al-Funūn, schools such as Iran’s Civilisation (Tamaddun-i Irān), the Charitable Boarding School for Orphans (Madrasah-’i Shabānah-Rūzī-yi Khayrīyah-?i Ītām), the School of the Sun of Schools (Madrasah-’i Shams al-Madāris), the School for Armenians (Madrasah-’i Arāmanah) and the Music School were already established and in operation by the early 1920s.28 The number of drugstores, health clinics, shops, book stores, reading houses, concerts, conferences and public lectures also increased considerably throughout this period. The German Doctor Kopeliowitch,29 Mademoiselle Dermis,30 Doctor Khudzā31 and the French Doctor Wilholm32 were among the international practitioners who continuously advertised their clinics in the newspapers of the time. Many of the newly established boutiques and dress shops were also owned and operated by the diasporic communities. A Zoroastrian shop in front of the Shams al-ʻImārah building in Tehran, for example, sold “excellent textiles,”33 while an Armenian merchant, Armenak Aghassian, traded the “latest fashion English women’s shoes and men’s boots and Parisian cravats” in his English shop on Lālahzār Avenue;34 it should be mentioned here that to compete with foreign textile imports, Iranian residents also advertised the Iranian handmade fabrics and artifacts sold in their shops. It is within such heterogeneity in material form and experiential quality that one needs to examine the emergence of cinema as a modern technology, and a sensory mode and practice.

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Figure 1.1 An example of a newspaper advertisement for a cultural event in 1920

The first spaces that began to project cinematographic films in Tehran were commercial spaces such as shops, studios, hotels and coffee houses that were both private (in that they were owned by individual merchants) and public (in that they were spaces of assembly and interaction for urban residents). As film screenings became more popular and more cinematographic devices were imported from Europe by merchants, these ad hoc spaces gave way to more formal and professional cinema spaces. Many of the theatres, hotels and/or locations where films were screened in the first few years after the inception of the technology of cinema were run by Armenian, Russian, Georgian and Azerbaijani émigrés, who thus became the first public cinematograph operators. To name a few, Russi Khan (1875–1967), an immigrant under Russian patronage, also known as Mihdi Ivanov or alternatively as Georgian Fyodorovich, was one of the court photographers of the Qajar Dynasty, who later opened and operated a number of theatres around the city.35 Two months after opening his personal photography studio,36 Russi Khan started to screen films in his shop.37 Aghayev, of Azeri descent, was another cinematograph owner who operated the cinematograph at the same time as Russi Khan in the 1910s. The famous Armenian-Georgian photographer who was born in Iran during the Qajar Dynasty, Antoin Sevruguin (late 1830s–1933), also opened several movie theatres in the 1910s. Ardashes Patmagerian (1963–1928),38 an Armenian merchant, also known as Ardishīr Khan, was another important figure in establishing cinema and a culture of movie-going in the early twentieth century. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, a certain “Monsieur Levine,” the manager of Iran Cinema (Sīnamāy-i Īrān), and “Parī Āqā-Bāyūff” (Pari Aqabayev or Aqababian), or Madame Parī, an Armenian-Iranian woman who had received her education outside Iran and had been active in both theatre and cinema in the 1910s in Tehran, were among cinema owners too.39

In addition to the diasporic communities who were involved in the business of cinema, the activities of غير مجاز مي باشدmopolitan locals in the operation of cinematographs and/or conducting film screenings should not be underestimated. Mirzā Ibrāhīm Khān-i Sahhāf-Bāshī, for example, was one of the first Iranian merchants who brought the cinematograph to Iran and made use of it as a commercial enterprise in his shop in 1903. According to his memoirs, Sahhāf-Bāshī, who travelled extensively around the world, saw “a recently invented electric device,” i.e. the cinematograph, at the “Pālās Sīnamā” (Palace Cinema) in Paris for the first time in 1897 after he had “walked in the public park” in the evening.40 Interestingly, a cinema by the same name, Sīnamā Pālās (Palace Cinema), was established by a Russian immigrant, Monsieur Tāmbūr, in the Grand Hotel on Lālahzār Avenue in the late 1910s.41

Around the same time as Russi Khan and Antoin Sevreguin, Hājī Nāyib Muʻīlī, another Iranian merchant, was known to have operated a cinematographic device in his café on Lālahzār Avenue in Tehran in the early twentieth century.42 Moreover, as has already been discussed by many Iranian cinema scholars, Mīrzā Ibrāhīm Khān-i ʻAkkāsbāshī (1874–1915), the photographer and cinematographer of Muzaffar al-Din Shah, was perhaps the first Iranian documentary filmmaker.43 After accompanying the Shah to the Paris Exposition in 1900 and seeing the Lumière cinematographic exhibit, ʻAkkāsbāshī, by order of the Shah, purchased a few cinematographic devices, brought them to Iran for the use of the Qajar court and filmed a few royal events; some of these included Muzaffar al-Din Shah at the Festival of Flowers in Belgium in 1900, some scenes from the Shah’s second European visit and ʻĀshūrā mourning processions in Tehran.44

Operated by people from a variety of backgrounds, Iranian cinemas became the space of socialisation for the Iranian and diasporic communities. As early as 1903, Sahhāf-Bāshī’s cinema, according to the memoirs of Ghulām ʻAlī khān-i ʻAzīz al-Sultān (1878–1940), the second Malījak of the Qajar court,45 hosted “foreigners” on “Sunday mornings” and the public on “Sunday evenings.”46 According to the same account, on some nights, “Antoin Sevreguin’s cinema hosted only Armenians, and turned away Muslims.”47 The Grand Hotel (Girānd Hutil) of Lālahzār, the Fārūs Publishing House (Matbaʻah-’i Fārūs), where many public gatherings ensued, and early public movie theatres such as Sun Cinema (Sīnamā Khurshīd) and Pathé Cinema (Sīnamā Pātah) also facilitated the physical encounters of Iranians with people from a multitude of ethnicities and nationalities in such spaces. These cinemas and film-screening venues themselves were located in the commercial and tourist centres of urban cities, where the assemblage and interactions of Iranian merchants, students, passers-by and diasporic communities were further facilitated. Russi Khan, for instance, launched his first public cinema on ʻAlā’ al-Dawlah Avenue, previously known as Ambassador Avenue (Khīyābān-i Sufarā) – home to the embassies of countries such as Germany, Belgium, Ottoman Turkey and Britain, as well as the Russian Loan Bank and Paris Guesthouse.48 In 1909, Antoin Sevreguin, in collaboration with Ardishīr Khan and Pathé Institution, opened a new public cinema on “ʻAlā’ al-Dawlah Avenue, in front of the Loan Bank” of Russia, in the personal apartment of Ardishīr Khan.49 Cinema business was so good on this street that later, in 1917, Ardishīr Khan opened another cinema by the name of Sun Cinema in the same thoroughfare.50 In 1908, Aghayev also advertised “new worth-seeing cinematographic films that portrayed the foreign worlds in motion” in a merchant’s shop on the Nāsirī Avenue, thus bringing the global into the local shops of Tehran, where many gathered and socialised.51 The propagation of cinemas in such areas of Tehran further prompted the mingling and interactions of heterogeneous communities, and shaped a culture that was informed by various ideologies and opinions. Russi Khan later opened more cinemas at some of Tehran’s significant landmarks: one on Nāsirī Avenue, in the yard of the famous Iranian institution of higher education, Dār al-Funūn,52 and another on the upper level of the Fārūs Publishing House on Lālahzār Avenue, home to many of the newly founded hotels, motels, theatres and touristic attractions in the city of Tehran.53

The physical spaces of cinema, as unexampled public spaces that facilitated a familiarisation with previously unfamiliar practices, lifestyles and ideologies in the urban sites (through encounters of diverse people), thus also forged a hybrid character upon the cityscape that closely matched Iran’s experience of modernity. Such proliferation of public spaces further configured the compartmentalisation of the city, giving rise to some districts in the city that became the centres of socialisation, critical thinking and entertainment. In fact, Lālahzār Avenue soon served as the main location for many more theatres, public spectacles and cinemas in Tehran. The implantation of cinema in this avenue was a product of Tehran’s new metropolitan constitution, and it became a terrain for the reproduction of the city’s popular culture for many years to come. Excellent Cinema (Sīnamā-yi ʻĀlī), Casino Hall (Sālun-i Kāzīnaw) and Palace Cinema, all established in the second half of the 1910s in Tehran, were among the movie theatres that were established in this street, increasing its urbanite character even further (Figure 1.2).

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Figure 1.2 A photo of Palace Hotel and Palace Cinema on Istanbul Crossroad

Other than screening films in public places, many enthusiasts started to rent or sell cinematographic devices for projection at weddings and other festivities, or to hold private film screenings for families and relatives. The famous Qajar court photographer, ʻAbdullāh Mīrzā, advertised the sale of one complete set of cinematographic equipment at his shop in 1907.54 In an announcement in the New Iran (Irān-i Naw) publication, the Spectacle House of Monsieur Būmir and Russi Khan also advertised the rent and sale of cinematographic devices, especially since “a number of devices” were available at their theatre by that time.55 In fact, cinemas had become so popular among the Iranian urban populations that, by the 1920s, many restaurants, cafés and other sites of sociability were equipped with instruments required for film projection. Economy Guest House (Mihmān-Khānah-’i Iqtisād) specifically advertised “very cheap” accommodation where specialised spaces and technological instruments had also been provided for the welfare of its guests, namely “electric lights, a space for gymnastic [activities], cinematograph [screenings] and [stage] performances.” $(document).ready(function() { $('#rate_p292863').rating('rate.php?pid=292863', {maxvalue:5, curvalue:0}); });